Incentives and Decisions: Voters’ Knowledge of the Laws on Vote Buying and its Implications for Ghana’s Democracy (Published)
This paper sought to investigate whether the incentives given to voters affect voters’ decisions at the polls. It also looks at whether Ghanaians are conversant with the laws and legislations on elections and for that matter vote buying. The mixed method approach with explanatory sequential design was employed for the study. The population for the study comprised the entire group of potential voters in the Shama District in the Western Region who are 18 years and above. Probability and non-probability sampling methods were employed to select the sample of district, communities and respondents for the study. Data from questionnaire was triangulated with interviews. The Pearson Chi-Square was used in finding significant differences. The p-value is the probability for showing differences and a critical value of alpha=.05 was adopted for sig differences in the statistical analysis. It was concluded that the economic status or the income level of electorates has no effects on decisions about the person to vote for. There is a relationship between vote buying incentives and voters’ decisions. This makes incentives effective in winning votes.it was therefore recommended that the governments should make it a point to reduce poverty by enhancing wealth redistribution by creating or providing jobs especially for the rural folks.
Elections are very common methods of peaceful transfer of power in democracy. Like many other developing countries, Bangladesh also follows a method of peaceful transfer of power by the elections. However, electoral violence in every national and local level election is a serious problem and hindrance to the democratic development in Bangladesh. Thus, this study attempts to explore the nature of electoral violence in national or parliamentary election in Bangladesh on the basis of secondary source of data following a qualitative method. Special attention has been drowned in the democratic regimes, particularly after the reintroduction of parliamentary democracy in Bangladesh from 1991-2018. This study reveals that electoral violence after the every national elections has become as an event in which incumbent leaders and ruling party agents employ or threaten violence against the political opposition or potential voters before, during, or after elections – is common. The findings of the study reveal that different types of violence with different number of death and injury in pre, during and post-election time is a regular phenomenon in Bangladesh.
Jurisprudence and the Implications of Morality for Democracy in Nigeria from 2015 to 2020 (Published)
In 2015, a general election was conducted that led to the change of baton from the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) that pioneered the journey of the fourth republic which started in 1999. The change of baton brought in the All Progressive Congress (APC), a coalition of four different political parties representing different geopolitical region in Nigeria. As it is, the four political parties before the coalition had their own values which is a reflection of their moral and world outlook in a heterogeneous nation like Nigeria. The campaign slogan which was the basis of the contract of the political party with the masses was the need for change. A change that will guarantee socio-economic development, security of lives and property and justice for all. The expectation of the people was high on the assumption of office of the president in 2015 but the change promise has now been confirmed as a mirage. The objective of the study is to examine the implications of the application of the norms of morality in government in a heterogeneous state with diverse moral values like Nigeria. The study is doctrinal with data obtained from both primary and secondary sources. The study found out that the people and elected leaders were not on the same page as to the concept of change employed by the political party in government. The paper concluded that an elected president in Nigeria who is bound to emerge from one ethnic and religious background must shed the toga of personal morality and where norms of morality are to be employed in governance, the norms of public morality generally acceptable to the people should be employed.
Democracy has been generally acclaimed as the best protector of human rights amongst all forms of government. In many democratic nations of the world this is evidential, but in Nigeria the story is different. Democratic government of Nigeria, with regard to the issue of human rights protection is not too different from military dictatorship. It has been observed and rightly too, that government agencies are the worst violators of human rights and tacitly backed by the government. This paper challenges the Nigerian government that was democratically elected to uphold her statutory and definitional responsibility of respecting, protecting and enhancing human rights of her citizens and punish decisively any abuses of human rights. The citizens also should not be complacent about this, they should protest legitimately against such violations bearing in mind that violation of their rights dehumanizes them which should not be the case.
The paper highlights the principles of Islam and that of democracy and argues that both are incompatible in a multi-religious country like Nigeria. Having discussed the concepts of political Islam, Sharia and democracy, the paper proceeds by identifying the inconsistency and ambiguity in the 1999 Constitution of Nigeria which, made the Sharia issue more problematic among the Christians and their Muslim counterparts. The paper prefers Nigeria being a Secular state rather than adopting a state religion which it believes can scuttle Nigeria’s nascent democracy.
The quest for a system of government that should take into cognizance the recognition of each individual brought about the notion of democracy. As a concept it has become a cliché to our system both for civilized and unenlightened minds, with little regard for its meaningful application. Going through some conceptual analysis, we submit that the idea of participatory democracy exists independently of a people’s system of government. Thus, if we must be said to be democratic in our polity, we ought to conform our practices to the principles of democracy and not compel democratic principles to fit into our system.
Opposition Parties and Democratization in Nigeria, 2007-2013: A Diagnostic Assessment (Review Completed - Accepted)
Politics is a struggle of contending ideological viewpoints for the allocation and distribution of resources. Political parties are at the center of politics as modern democracy is unthinkable in the absence of viable political parties and the interplay of party politics that characterize the polity. This paper therefore examines the role of opposition political parties in political re-engineering of Nigerian state and the impact of absence of internal democracy on the electoral performance of the opposition parties in Nigeria. An attempt is also made to analyze the recent merger between the opposition political parties. The study adopts qualitative method of data gathering and uses theory of the post-colonial state. Hence, this paper argues that the opposition parties’ inability to offer itself as alternative government in Nigeria today lies in their weak institutionalization and ideology drought, which results in an increasing disconnect between citizens and their elected leaders, and a decline in political activism. It recommends that the formation and merger of future opposition political parties should follow a micro natural evolution and patriotic commitment; and that opposition politics in the context of inter party relations in Nigeria needs a total overhaul through proactive and agenda setting governance policy engagement and commitments.
A Brain Child of External Forces or Internal Crisis: The Formation and Rise of the Movement for Democratic Change in Zimbabwe, 1999-2013 (Review Completed - Accepted)
The article is mainly concerned about analyzing the factors behind the formation and rise of MDC
in Zimbabwe body politic. Some scholars and ZANU-PF political elite view MDC as a foreign
project sponsored by the Americans and the British. Therefore, they largely believe that MDC is a
party without African interests at heart. Other scholars believed that MDC is simply an internal
creation that was consummated as a result of ZANU-PF’s complete failure in regard to economic
management and governance crisis. However, in the end MDC was as a result of both internal and
external factors. Among the factors considered in this paper they range from political, economic,
social as well as international forces. However, it is the contention of this paper that the democratic
and human rights abuses by the state as well as internal economic crisis in Zimbabwe contributed
much to the emergence and rise of MDC in Zimbabwe
The judiciary has come under a severe criticism in recent times due to its untimely disposal of electoral case in free and fair manner. Marxist theoretical perspective is hereby adopted to ascertain the problem under consideration. The need for the theory arose because the judiciary with its powers is required by the capitalist to enforce unequal distribution of social and material rewards in order to preserve their position to oppress less privileged class in the society. It was discovered that the capitalist class in Nigeria normally muster financial resources not just to perpetuate electoral fraud but also bribe their way in the election petition tribunal which aim at correcting the abnormality in the electoral system thereby denying the masses access to justice in Nigeria. It was recommended that various punishments and sanctions should be awarded to erring judges who indulge in corrupt practices, such punishment like death sentence, dismissal from service, public humiliation by sending them to prisons to serve jail term. On the side of politicians who bribe judges to see their way through, they should equally trial and convict them for bribing public officers. Also they should be disqualified from whatever political position they are contesting for, this will help in reducing the corruption in the judiciary that does not allow Nigerian democracy to grow.